Friday, December 27, 2019

The State Lotteries Role in Financing Education - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 9 Words: 2757 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Finance Essay Type Narrative essay Level High school Did you like this example? Abstract The topic of this research paper is whether or not states should utilize lottery gaming to fund their public education systems. This debate continues to be common and one of great importance à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" especially to heavy advocates of education funding. In the text below, three arguments will be presented to represent both sides of the debate. In opposition of the lottery funding, I will present the arguments that the total amount of money gained from the gaming is actually less than public perception implies, that the funding is only acting as a replacement to general education funds, and that the government naturally develops an interest in promoting the gaming system by tricks and manipulation of the gaming community. In support, I will argue that any money gathered is beneficial to the public education system, that the lottery funds have the ability to act like a new tax while never actually raising taxes, and that, if other states are host ing lotteries, it is beneficial for oneà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s own state to establish one to avoid losing funding. I will end the research paper with a conclusion, which will included my opinion on the debate. As the statistic stands today, about forty-two of Americaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s fifty states currently hold a state lottery à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" a majority of this number use the gamesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ revenue to fund public education within the stateà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s borders. The money gained from these revenues reaches astronomical numbers. For example, as of March of 2012, California had acquired around twenty-four billion dollars through the collection of state lottery revenue. In the last twenty-six years, Virginia has gained at least five billion dollars from lottery revenue. In 2011, Maryland gathered more than five hundred and nineteen dollars. These are just a few of the nearly unbelievable totals of money invested into education through the state lottery. Though hosting a state lottery has instigated some controversy across the country, the funneling of its revenues to fund education is usually, if not always, well-accepted by all parties; therefore, the focus of this research paper will be less about the state lottery and more about the effects that the revenue of state lotteries has on public education and, in some instances, the state as a whole (Strauss, 2012). Because an educated society beneficially touches every part of society, this issue is one of great importance for all citizens of our country. Because educational funding is consistently a topic of great debate, it is vital to have a wealth of knowledge about state lottery education funding. In this paper, the reader will have the opportunity to explore evidence supporting lottery-funded education, evidence that proves unsupportive of said funding, and a critique of the provided arguments. First, let us review the arguments in opposition to lottery-funded education. The first argumen t is that only a low percentage of money actually goes to funding public education. This is far from the current public perception of how the lottery benefits public education. Most of the general populace and, more importantly, the voters, believe that state lottery revenues finance a majority of their respective stateà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s education needs. A New York Times article stated, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Surveys and interviews indicate that many Americans in states with lotteries linked to education think their schools are largely supported by lottery funds à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" so much so that they even mention this when asked to vote for tax increases or bond authorizations to finance their schoolsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Stodghill, 2007). However, this is far from the truth. A New York Times study of lottery records and interviews with lottery administrators and analysts revealed that only less than one percent to five percent of lottery revenues are actually going toward funding K à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" 12 educational needs (Stodghill, 2007). In states that specifically earmarked lottery money to benefit education, the funding only accounted for one percent or less of total K à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" 12 funding (Stodghill, 2007). As a matter of fact, a large amount of the money earned is simply going towards keeping the games sustainable as a commercial market through marketing strategies (Stodghill, 2007). The California Department of Education was quoted in its State Fact Book as stating, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Although the public still perceives the lottery as making a significant difference in the funds available for education, it is a minor source that cannot be expected to provide major improvements in K à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" 12 education.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“They think the lottery is taking care of education. We have to tell them weà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢re only getting a few sprinkles; weà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢re not even getting the icing on the cake,à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  said Brett McFadden, a budget analyst in California. Judy Hix, a Lubbock, Texas resident, stated, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“There were TV commercials, ads in the paper, signs all over town saying, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Vote for the lottery 100% of the profits from the Texas Lottery will go to education.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ They said the lottery was going to give the money to education. Why are we not seeing thatà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Is the texas,à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  2011)? As you can see, a major disadvantage of the lottery is that it fails to provide the support the public believes it should through its revenue. The second argument is that the lottery funds are only serving as a substitute for the general fund, not a supplement. Public perception is that lottery revenue is à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“extra moneyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  that goes toward developing an education of excellence in states that host the games. This seemingly proves to soften citizens to the idea of the state opening the games within their borders. O . Homer Erekson, dean of the business school at the University of Missouri, summarized the issue best when he said, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Legislators merely substitute general revenue funds with lottery dollars so the schools donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t really gain any additional fundingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Stodghill, 2007).Basically, states have decided to cut such a significant portion of education funding that the lottery funds à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“are not a boon, they become a baselineà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Rowan, 2013). An example of this issue is found in Virginia, where the education-funding lottery was proposed as a supplemental fund to education. But, the money benefiting education, around four hundred and fifty million dollars, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“is simply a replacement of funds the state has now withdrawnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Rowan, 2013). James Roberts, who serves as a superintendent in the state of Virginia, said, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“It has replaced state general fund revenue, so you could make the case tha tà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦that money either went to transportation, prisons, higher education or to balance the budget. Who knows?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Rowan, 2013) Reflecting just how wide spread and common this issue has become, let us take notice of North Carolina, where some lawmakers are currently moving to take the word à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“educationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  out of the title of the state lottery (Rowan, 2013). As one can see, this disparity between public perception and governmental policy when appropriating lottery revenue is unacceptable, and a reason many are opposed to the state lotteries. The third argument against lottery-funded education is the incentive it provides for the state to promote the games in a government-first fashion in its attempt to gain some revenue, though it may be minimal, for its education fund. This is a more broad argument, but it is important to point out that when the state has committed any amount of the peopleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s money to fund education, it does take some priority and focus from the governmental actors involved. So, as citizens of the United States, where states are continually adopting and refining their lottery programs, it is important to be familiar with the basic logistics of how the games work. Obviously, the main attraction of gambling to its players is the potential of acquiring a prize à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" whether that is money or another reward. So, as gambling stations continually attempt to maintain and attract players, thereà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s an increased temptation to expand the prize of winning. However, expanding this prize directly lowers the percentage of each dollar paid into the lottery that will directly benefit public education in the state (Stodghill, 2007). In addition, and as mentioned earlier, much of the money doesnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t even benefit external players. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“In reality, most of the money raised by lotteries is used simply to sustain the games themselves, including market ing, prizes, and vendor commissionsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Stodghill, 2007). As one can see, if you arenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t well-versed in how the government enacts its lottery, you may be misguided on why exactly the lottery functions the way it does. Now that we have explored and studied the disadvantages to a state lottery-funded education, let us explore the advantages to the practice. The first argument in support of lottery funding is simply that any financial gains for education from a gaming mechanism is considered a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“plusà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  and should be welcomed. Proponents of this specific argument claim that opponents focus too heavily on percentages and trends and too little on the tangible cash that the lottery games bring to public education funding (Stodghill, 2007). à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Too much of the focus in on percentages. My focus is on dollars. You canà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t spend percentages,à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  said Gardern Gurney, a knowledgeable source in regards to the New York lottery system (Stodghill, 2007). To put the numbers in more clear and perhaps relatable terms, the state of New York, at one point in the existence of its lottery, pulled in two point two billion dollars in revenue for its education fund in a single year (Stodghill, 2007). Though weà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ve discussed in this paper that state lotteries arenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t truly providing the amount of money the public perceives to be true, any additional money is still money à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" no matter the total amount gained. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Lottery dollars are revenues that the states would not have otherwise,à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  said Tennessee Lottery president Rebecca Hargrove (Keteyian, 2007). The second argument in favor of lottery funding is that the additional money essentially acts like a newly implemented tax without ever having to actually increase taxes on the statesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ citizens. As we all know, American citizens cringe at the sound of tax incr eases à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" so much so that political candidates are surely advised to stay away from the topic unless necessary. So, supporters of the lottery argue that one of its greatest advantages is the additional revenue it allows the government without ever forcing an administration to touch a third rail of American politics. While I do concede that this point does closely tie into the first argument provided, I believe it is important to add as a separate advantage. Ms. Hargrove, an advocate of the lottery-in-place-of-tax argument, stated, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“What youà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢d have to know, which is impossible for you to know, is how many dollars education would have gotten if there werenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t lottery dollars. Once a lottery passes, there are added dollars to the bigger pieà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Keteyian, 2007). A final argument for an individual state to support lottery funding is that as long as other states host a lottery to fund their systems of public educat ion, the citizens of a state that has prohibited the games are likely to cross state borders to invest into another stateà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s education fund through the gaming; so, as long as other states are doing it, it is hard to justify à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“digging your heels inà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  and refusing to comply with this funding trend. Though this argument may seem and may be childish in nature, it is based in practicality and is one worth examining. To further exemplify this point, let us examine the mindset of former North Carolina governor, Mike Easley. Governor Easley established a state lottery as a fulfillment to a promise to the people of his state. As The New York Times reads, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“If some voters in this state frowned on Mr. Easleyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s push to bring gambling here, others were persuaded by his argument that North Carolinaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s students were missing out on as much as fifty hundred million dollars in aid annually as residents crossed t he border to buy lottery tickets elsewhereà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  (Keteyian, 2007). à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Our people are playing the lottery. We just need to decide which schools we should fund, other statesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ or ours,à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  stated Governor Easley (Keteyian, 2007). Though arguments both for and against lottery-funded education budgets are understandable when one steps back and views the issues from differing perspectives, I know it to be essential for the reader to carefully assess and analyze both sides of the argument before formulating a firm opinion. Let us begin by assessing the arguments of those who are opposed to the lottery funding. I believe that the first argument provided, which states that only a low percentage of the lottery revenue actually goes to state education funding, is a decent argument; however, I do believe that the counterpoint that any money is welcomed is equally, if not more, convincing. The only major problem I have with the percentages bei ng extremely low is that this is in direct contradiction to public perception. I believe that the public should be fully aware of the benefits of the lottery to state education before using the gaming mechanisms, and I believe it is the governmentà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s job to raise this awareness. The second argument in opposition states that the lottery revenue is simply acting as a substitute to the general fund. I believe that this argument holds a great deal of weight and is probably the most convincing of those presented. If the lottery funding policies were presented as supplemental revenues, they should be just that. The government should not be allowed to replace the general funds with lottery funds. In my research, I did not find a direct counterpoint to this argument. The final argument in opposition is the temptation for the government to manipulate the system to benefit itself and not the citizens through increased prizes to attract more players. I believe that this is a di sadvantage that must be carefully self-monitored by the government. Though I donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t think the argument is a convincing enough factor to constitute a reason to oppose the lottery, I do believe it to be one of importance because it directly affects the citizens of each of our countryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s states. Now, let us examine and analyze the arguments in support of state supported lotteries for education funding. The first argument was essentially that any money is good money. As mentioned previously, I do believe this to be a solid argument in support, though I believe that citizens do have the right to, at the least, be informed of the percentage of the lottery revenue funds that actually go to public education. The second argument is that the lottery acts as a quasi-tax increase à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" without ever having to raise taxes. I believe that this argument is not very sound. I believe that if the government believes it needs more money through taxes, it sho uld fight to pass a tax increase à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" not slip in extra money through trick funding and manipulation. The final argument in support of the funding is that citizens will simply go to a state with a lottery if their own doesnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t implement the system. In concept, I believe this to be a poor argument simply because I donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t believe states should formulate policy out of fear of the actions of those around them. However, in practicality, I believe this to be a decent argument. I know that states struggle to find sufficient funding for their education, so I believe that practicality wins in this argument. After researching this topic and learning more about both sides of its surrounding debate, I find myself in opposition to state lotteries funding public education in Alabama. After learning more about the advantages and benefits of hosting a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“funding lotteryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  of sorts, I do not believe that the pros outweigh the cons. As I stated earlier in this paper, I believe that if policy makers want more public education funding, they should work to find that money without using manipulative techniques slipping in quasi-tax increases and gaming strategies. If the lottery were to be established in Alabama, however, I would strongly support raising awareness to gamers and citizens of the state so that they better understand the amount of money actually going to education and can make thorough, well thought decisions when participating in a state lottery. Bibliography Is the texas lottery really funding education?. (2011, May 05). Retrieved from https://www.kcbd.com/story/14579932/kcbd-investigates-is-the-tx-lottery-really-funding-education Keteyian, A. (2007, September 17). Is the lottery shortchanging schools?. Retrieved from https://www.cbsnews.com/news/is-the-lottery-shortchanging-schools/ Rowan, R. (2013, March 05). Gambling with our future: Why the lottery is failing education. Retriev ed from https://www.tuition.io/blog/2013/03/gambling-with-our-future-why-the-lottery-is-failing-education/ Stodghill, R. (2007, October 07). For schools, lottery payoffs fall short of promises. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/07/business/07lotto.html?pagewanted=all_r=1 Strauss, V. (2012, March 30). Mega millions: Do lotteries really benefit public schools?. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-sheet/post/mega-millions-do-lotteries-really-benefit-public-schools/2012/03/30/gIQAbTUNlS_blog.html Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The State Lotteries Role in Financing Education" essay for you Create order

Thursday, December 19, 2019

The Middle East Is A Country Of Terrorism, Violence, And War

In the minds of people today, the Middle East is a country of terrorism, violence, and war. What they fail to realize is that there are reasons behind the instability in the region. There have been many factors that have contributed to the unsteadiness of the Middle East today. In addition to the collapse of the Gunpowder Empires, particularly the Ottoman Empire, the countries of the Middle East have also suffered from ongoing religious divisions, wars and revolts in the area, and western intervention, particularly in oil and arms. The area of the Middle East is a conglomerate of many different religious groups. In these religions there are various factions, and these factions have often led to violence, revolts, and war. For the Islamic people, they split after the death of Muhammad, when they differed on who should take the place of the Prophet. Shia Muslims believe that the rightly predecessor was Ali, who was Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law. On the other hand, Sunni Musli ms believe that the leadership rightly belonged to Abu Bakr (Lecture.08.31). While today most Muslims identify as Sunni Muslims, including the Kurds, another highly active group in the area, there continues to be tight tensions between the two groups. In countries such as Iran, Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt the split between Shias and Sunnis is toxic. Western intervention in the area has not helped quell these pressures, but rather, it has further increased the tensions, byShow MoreRelatedGlobal War On Terrorism And Terrorism1367 Words   |  6 PagesGlobal War On Terrorism   Ã‚  Ã‚   The attack executed in the United States on September 11, 2001 was one of the worst attacks and acts of war ever seen in U.S. history. On that day 2,996 innocent people were killed, over 6,000 people were injured, and about $10 billion in structural and infrastructure damages was caused. 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As discussed in â€Å"Terrorism and Political Violence,† by Alex Schmid, there are multiple frameworks in which terrorism can be defined (Schmid 2010, 197). In Schmid’s article, he discusses the five ways he feels terrorism can be looked at, terrorism as/and politics, terrorism as/and crime, terrorism as/and warfare, terrorism as/and communication and terrorism as/and religious fundamentalism (Schmid 2010, 197). This is interesting because itRead MoreSuicide Bombings Are on the Rise1139 Words   |  5 PagesHave you ever thought about killing yourself? Suicide is a big deal around the world especially in America. Terrorism, If they are forced to become suicidal, if they get anything in return of killing themselves to kill others, or if maybe if it is a religious thing. Suicide bombers are people who attack other innocent people with the intention to cause great damage while taking their own life in the process. 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Wednesday, December 11, 2019

Revenue Management in Australia Samples †MyAssignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss about theRevenue Management in Australia. Answer: The Australian city that has been selected for this assessment is Brisbane. It is one of the most prominent cities of the country. It has large variety of hotels that comes in different price ranges and services. It will help in having a broader outlook and better approach to the objectives of the assessment(Mayntz, 2017). It will also help in analyzing the demands of the people and even tourists, as people all around the world visit Brisbane, for its scenic beauty. It is also the financial capital of the country, with a great culture that attracts thousands of tourists every year. Hence there is large variety of hotels in that area. The hotels that have been selected as a part of the competitor set are Four Points by Sheraton Brisbane, Hotel Grand Chancellor Brisbane and The Great Southern Hotel Brisbane.These are prime hotels that are functioning in that area and are popular four five stars functioning in that area. They have great infrastructure and provide multiple services to the customers. The most common factor that they are having with the chosen hotel is that all are high rated hotels and the rates are also more or less similar. These hotels are world famous and provide multiple services to its customers. The book figures and occupancy rates have been selected on conducting the market survey and considering the overall situations that might affect the overall situations in the area. The rates have been decided on the basis of the tourist fall and the number of people who are approaching the hotels. The rates have also been decided considering the past performance of the hotel and the future prospects have been decided on the basis of the same(Elimam, 2017). The past data have been collected and analyzed to reach a common rate for the hotels, and an analysis is done on the basis of the same. Taking into consideration the volume of competitors the hotel will be able to perform quite good if it is able to provide the best of services at a little less rate then the competitors in the market. The hotel must do proper market research and analysis so that the hotel management has good knowledge about the hotels that are functioning in that area and then decide it approach to attract as many tourists as possible. It will help in boasting the overall business of the hotel and help it in having an upper hand over its competitors. The main target area for the hotel is the tourists that visit the country every year. These tourists accounts for the maximum business of the hotel and will help in boasting the overall revenue of the same. Thus that will be the target audience for the hotel and the services must be defined according to the taste of the tourists and get the best results during the on-season(Trieu, 2017). If the demand is slower than what is expected then reasons for the same should be ascertained and then necessary steps must be taken so that the revenue can be increased. Prices should be slashed to improve the foot fall of the customers during dry periods and also necessary steps for branding and promotion must be done. These are the few ways in which the overall revenue can be increased in situations it less then what was anticipated by the management of the hotel. If the demand is higher than what was anticipated then reasons for the same should be ascertained by the management. The management should make sure that the needs of the customer should be met, and prices should be increased to tap in more revenue. Expert advice can also be taken if the management needs the same(Anginer Kunt, 2014). These are the few steps that the management of the company so that the increased demand for the hotel is met and important steps should be taken for the coming seasons also so that the increased level of revenue is maintained by the hotel. References Anginer, D. Kunt, A., 2014. Has the global banking system become more fragile over time?. Journal of Financial Stability, Volume 13, pp. 202-213. Elimam, H., 2017. The Role of Small Businesses (Small Scale Economic Projects) in Alleviating the Acuity of Unemployment. International Business Research, 10(3). Mayntz, R., 2017. Networked Governance. s.l.:Springer. Trieu, V., 2017. Getting value from Business Intelligence systems: A review and research agenda. Decision Support Systems, Volume 93, pp. 111-124.

Tuesday, December 3, 2019

The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven free essay sample

Alexie’s composition of short stories, called The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fist Fight in Heaven, clearly describes aspects of Indian culture that many people wouldn’t already know. The stories are informative, descriptive and interesting. Disappointment is a depressing frustrating and repeated theme throughout almost every one of Sherman Alexie’s short stories. One of the very first introductions of disappointment to the reader is when the father of one of the main characters, Victor, leaves him and his mother â€Å"I know he’s coming back tonight. † (34). This portrayal of disappointment shows how much pain his father had caused him by just leaving. He couldn’t imagine why he would leave him. Victor stays on the porch the day his dad leaves because it is like part of him will not accept that his father really did leave for good this time and is never coming back. The next disappointment happens soon after when he misses all the shots in the basketball game. We will write a custom essay sample on The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page â€Å"While I looked at all those close-ups of death and destruction, I lost it. I think everybody in that room, everybody on the team, lost that feeling of immortality. (46) Before the time when they were all waiting for the coach and the game to start they started to think how those injuries relate to their situation. â€Å"We went out and lost the championship game by twenty points. I missed every shot I took. I missed everything. † (47) The coach showed up late not bothering to give a pep talk or any encouragement. When Victor is much older disappointment strikes again, he loses his job and also finds out his father is dead. â€Å"Just after Victor lost his job at the BIA, he also found out that his father had died of a heart attack in Phoenix, Arizona. (59) It is a sad and disappointing time to lose a job, but it is much worse to lose a loved one that was close to you even though he hadn’t seen his father for a while. â€Å"Victor hadn’t seen his father in a few years, only talked to him on the phone once or twice, but there was still a genetic pain which was soon to be pain as real and immediate as a broken bone. † (59) Both of these things that happened to him will be very painful when they finally settle in. In another one of Sherman Alexie’s stories one of the main characters, Samuel, gets fired. Samuel hadn’t ever been fired from a job and he had never been in a bar, either. † (133) the fact that he hasn’t been in a bar before and he doesn’t drink because he saw the impact of alcoholism it had on his brothers, sisters and most of his tribe. This just shows how unsure of himself and disappointed he is because he is doing something he never would have if he still had that job. â€Å"Sometimes it’s called passing out and sometimes it’s just pretending to be asleep. † (138) when he was on the train tracks he had the strength to get up and move. He chose to lay there and die. He was so unhappy with his life because he was alone, no family, no job, nothing to live for anymore. This book was kind of sad. Disappointment is a depressing, frustrating and repeated theme throughout almost every one of Sherman Alexie’s short stories. Most of the characters in Alexie’s stories encountered some form of disappointment. All of their pain was mental, sometimes worse than physical pain. Some of them overcame it and it was all happy in the end and others like Samuel felt no reason to live.

Wednesday, November 27, 2019

Saturday, November 23, 2019

Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essays

Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essays Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essay Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essay However, disablement rights and the disablement dimension of broader equality and human rights are merely get downing to derive acknowledgment on legislative act books and in tribunal judgements. Whilst these rights are immature both as legal and academic constructs, the demand to beef up and intensify our apprehension of the disablement docket is pressing. The new statute law, grants people sing disablements entree to public- , and private-sector employment, edifices, transit, and communications services, all which are seen as important dimensions in disablement equality. In making this, it equates favoritism against people sing disablements with favoritism based on gender, race, or faith. This statute law recognised people sing disablements as a minority group meriting equal protection under the jurisprudence. The Disability Act assumes that human-made environments are the primary beginning of disability. Such environments are informally and officially shaped and defined by plans, policies, course of study, architectural programs, and other miscellaneous patterns. What is Disability? Disability is a contested, complex thought. It covers a broad spectrum of medically defined damages and the societal, environmental and economic obstructions to full enjoyment of social inclusion that are associated with them. Damages linked to disability scope from terrible to minor restraints on mobility, sight, hearing, address and acquisition, and include mental unwellnesss every bit good as physical conditions. The differentiation between the medical and societal theoretical account of disablement arose out of the unfavorable judgments of the ICIDH theoretical account by people who were active in administrations and motions that aimed to procure basic civil rights for people with disablements. An early alteration to the ICIDH theoretical account emphasized the demand to see disability as emerging out of external factors that interact with disease/impairment/disability. One effort to depict these factors made mention to the physical environment, the societal state of affairs to the individual and the resources available to them ( Bradley 1987 ) . In a more recent part, Verbrugge A ; Jette ( 1994 ) provided a more luxuriant categorization, including both personal and environmental factors in the procedure which links impairment/disability and their results. The importance of these factors is that they provide avenues for intercession that aim to better the quality of life of individuals so affected. In response to unfavorable judgment of the original ICIDH theoretical account, a more comprehensive alteration has late been developed by the World Health Organisation ( Halbertsma et al 2000 ) . This is called the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health known as ICF ( WHO 1999 ) . This has moved off from being a consequence of disease theoretical account, to a components of wellness theoretical account. Its cardinal constituents are body constructions and maps and damages in construction of map ; activities, which are undertakings or activities undertaken by a individual and troubles or restrictions an person may hold in put to deathing those activities ; and engagement, which consists of engagement in life state of affairss in the context of where an single lives. Engagement limitations are jobs a individual may see with regard to involvement in life state of affairss. Each of these constituents are relationships between them are influenced by the conte xtual factors ; that is, personal and environmental factors. This strategy attempts to incorporate the medical and societal theoretical accounts of disablement into broader biopsychosocial theoretical account that gives due acknowledgment to the significance of the environment in act uponing operation and overall wellness and wellbeing. Medical theoretical account of disablement Looking at the medical theoretical account of disablement, it is rooted in an undue accent on clinical diagnosing, the really nature of which it is destined to take to partial and suppressing position of the handicapped person. The medical theoretical account of disablement, up until late, was seen as the dominant paradigm of disablement, and described the norms that have traditionally governed disablement in Western society. It relies on normative classs of handicapped and non-disabled and presumes that a individual s disablement is a personal, medical job, necessitating but an individualized medical solution ; that people who have disablements face no group job caused by society or that societal policy should be used to better. The medical theoretical account views the physiological status itself as a job. In other words, the person is the venue of disablement. Even those with disablements have sometimes adopted this position. This theoretical account is necessary in finding medicine, although, we need much more so the medical facts in order to understand disablement. Understood merely as a biological trait, disablement leaves the person in demand of physiological aid to rectify the effects of the disablement. Under the medical theoretical account, people with disablements are frequently characterised as holding single properties of incapacity and dependance. Consequently, given the position of disablement as an person job, appropriate aid is understood either as rehabilitation attempts to enable the person to get the better of the effects of the disablement, or medical attempts to happen a remedy for the person. Either manner, the focal point is on the person and how they can get the better of their status. The medical theoretical account has the capacity to break up the disablement community by emphasizing the single physiological traits that differentiate handicapped individuals, instead than the common social obstructions that unite them. Under the medical theoretical account, people with disablements are frequently typecast into one of two functions: the pathetic posting kid or the inspirational supercrip. Under the pathetic posting kid function, handicapped persons are seen as objects of pity- childlike and in demand of charity. The contrasting, alternate function to the posting kid is the supercrip . If a handicapped individual is unable to presume a cute and childly function in society, the outlook is for that individual to be a supercrip and get the better of their disablement through their ain brave attempts. A supercrip is a handicapped individual, normally sympathetic, who has a epic narrative of trying to get the better of their disablement. In contract to the medical theoretical account, which we can see images illness as a mechanical malfunction or microbiological invasion, Parsons described the ill function as a impermanent, medically sanctioned signifier of aberrant behavior. This thought of the ill function has generated a batch of utile far-reaching research. Arguably, it still has a function in the cross-cultural comparing of ways in which time-out from normal responsibilities can be achieved or in which aberrant behavior may be explained and excused. Although this is true to state, the theoretical account does non exaime how being ill or in this instance disabled, does non automatically take to being a patient. Eliot Freidson has pointed out that people frequently rely on ballad sentiments and advice as to whether or non a professional audience is appropriate. He besides does nt admit that being a patient does non ever affect being ill. For illustration, a wheelchair user my be absolutely wellness saloon the fact they have no map of their legs. Alsojuxtaposed with the medical theoretical account of disablement is the societal theoretical account. The societal theoretical account Given the sweep of its protagonists, no one restatement of the societal theoretical account will cover every reading. In short, under this theoretical account, disablement is redefined as a societal construct- a type of multi-faceted social oppressions- and distinguished from the physiological impression of damage. In this context, being disabled depends upon divergence from society s building of corporeal normalcy. Furthermore, the experience of being a handicapped individual consists mostly of brushs with the many barriers erected by society- physical, institutional, and attitudinal- that inhibit full engagement in mainstream life. One consequence of the societal theoretical account is that the experience of disablement is non built-in or inevitable given a peculiar medical status ; instead, it depends upon the peculiar societal context in which one lives and maps. Upon speculating that the primary disadvantages associated with disablement are societal constructions and patterns, the claim that society has some duty to rectify the disadvantage may follow more of course. Consequently, whereas the medical manner facilitates medical solutions to set the person to suit society, the societal theoretical account focal points on seting the societal environment to fit persons. Social modelists do non disregard the function of physiology in bring forthing disablement under the rubric of damage. It must be taken into consideration when it comes to supplying entree or adjustments through architectural alterations. However, the cardinal claim under the societal theoretical account is that disablement is, by definition, wholly a societal concept. Johnson ( 1989 ) writes that, as a individual sing disablements, she feels she must endeavor to be normal in order to be personally Okay. Ed Murphy, quoted in Bogan and Taylor ( 1976 ) , observes that If you are considered mentally retarded, there is no manner you can win ( p.49 ) . Both of these persons have articulated a belief that they have, in some manner or ways, failed to run into the outlook of society. They believe that they have been perceived as limited in their operation and are themselves the beginning of the restriction. The orientation to disablement that Johnson and Murphy personify is normally referred to in the literature of particular instruction and disablement policy as the functional-limitation theoretical account ( Hahn, 1985 ) . Hahn ( 1988 ) traces this prevalent orientation to disablement to the Enlightenment and as experiential anxiousness stemming from a fright of going disabled coupled with an aesthetic anxiousness linked to a fright of the disturbing or unpleasant. Hahn is supported in this place by Foucault ( 1961/1965 ) , who links perceptual experiences of disablement to the European disappearing of Hansens disease in the late medieval period. This resulted in the transference of a negative perceptual experience of lazars to people with disablements in general. Foucault besides argues that the application of the medical theoretical account to disablement that occurred in the Renaissance contributed to a position of disablement as built-in in people and as a status that was pote ntially curable through intervention. Functional restrictions could therefore be seen as rehabilitative or remediable and non needfully dependent on environmental factors. The branchings of the functional-limitations orientation to disablement, and its negative consequence on how people sing disablements are perceived by others, are good documented in the literature. Through this orientation, disablements have been linked to results and potentially stereotyped perceptual experiences of the individual sing disablements. For illustration, shortages in cognitive development are routinely linked with an false enjoyment of insistent undertakings or obfuscation by excessively much stimulation ( Clements A ; Clements, 1984 ) . Hearing damages promote self-consciousness and deter speaking ( Clements A ; Clements, 1984 ) . Physical damages will falsify a kid s organic structure image ( Uhlin A ; DeChiara, 1984 ) . Disabilities will take to disconnectedness from the environment ( Lowenfeld, 1957 ) . Hahn ( 1985 ) establishes a direct nexus between a functional-limitation orientation to popular perceptual experiences of a individual s capacity for employment a nd quality of life. It is of import to province that at no point in a strictly functional-limitations attack is there a consideration that disablement may be a consequence of environmental failure. Environments are non to any great extent adapted to people. Peoples must endeavor, sometimes with aid of remedial and rehabilitative instruction, to accommodate to environments in the pursuit for an abstract normalcy. The critics of the functional-limitations orientation to disablement believe this orientation has contributed to a assortment of societal jobs facing kids, young person, and grownups who are sing disablements. Segregated life infinites, sterilization, denial of kid detention, lodging favoritism, unaccessible vote topographic points, and the denial of jury responsibility are platitude ( Asch, 1986 ) . Differences between societal and medical theoretical account The argument on public assistance cogently illustrates the difference between the medical and societal theoretical accounts of disablement. The medical theoretical account of disablement is kindred to a signifier of conservative antiwelfare political orientation, which located the job in the person. This political orientation is typically illustrated through claims that the individual merely needs to acquire a occupation or halt being lazy. Similarly, when people individualise disablement, as do public assistance conservativists, they overlook the possibility that disablement is a group job. Conversely, the societal theoretical account of disablement shifts the venue of duty for the jobs disabled people face from the persons themselves to their inhospitable environments. Interestingly, the medical position of disablement bases in blunt contrast to how other signifiers of favoritism are typically viewed. For illustration, the huge bulk of people believe that the jobs harassing racial minorities, adult females and homophiles stem non from these groups physiological lower status, but from societal favoritism. Discrimination against these groups is considered irrational by most ; few effort to warrant favoritism against any of these groups as acceptable. Yet many people seem to see favoritism against handicapped people as rational- the consequence of their ain organic structures deficiencies- and distinguishable from other signifiers of favoritism. The consequence is that even people who avoid other signifiers of favoritism may be disposed to rationalize disablement favoritism. Criticisms Although some critical disablement theoreticians argue for an attachment to the societal theoretical account ( Shakespeare 1997b, Ward 1997 ) , a theoretical theoretical account should move as a lens to sharpen 1s believing, non as a set of flashers to curtail thoughts and enforce conformance. Stone ( 2001 p.51 ) suggested that using the societal theoretical account of disablement as an analytical model is non the same as utilizing it as a design . One contention reflects a belief that the corporal experience of disablement ( Toombs 1995 ) and the frustrating and oppressive facets of damage ( Barnes A ; Mercer 2003, Clare 1999, Mulvany 2000 ) have been ignored by the societal theoretical account. Second moving ridge authors in disablement surveies are seen to be oppugning these premises that underpin the societal theoretical account of disablement ( Barnes, 1998 ) and as stated above, significantly, this oppugning motion has refocused epistemic attending onto Impairment ( e.g. French, 1993 ; Crow, 1996 ; Hughes A ; Paterson, 1997 ) . Through appealing to sociological imaginativeness and political committedness, these authors attempt to convey impairment back to the head of disablement surveies, off from its uncomfortable and counterproductive expatriate within quasi-medical discourses. Likewise, postmodern reviews ( e.g. Corker, 1998 ; Corker A ; French, 1998 ) and their problematising of expansive narrations, most evidently Marxism, offer localised, specific and discursively-orientated options that take history of the discursively-embodied nature of damage. Most notably, this bend to impairment challenges the widely recognized definitions provided by the UPIAS 1976 ( Fund amental Principles papers, which has been so influential in indicating ways frontward for the societal, political and theoretical emancipation of people with damages ( Oliver, 1990. 1996 ) . Impairment- missing portion of or all of a limb, or holding a faulty limb being or mechanism of the organic structure. Disability- the disadvantage or limitation of activity caused by ca modern-day societal administration which takes no history of people who have physical damages and therefore except them from mainstream societal activities! ( UPIAS, 1976, quoted in Oliver, 1990, p.11 ) While disablement remains a societal job to be eradicated by social alteration ( through Reconstruction of current systems and by deconstruction through revolutionizing direct action ) , impairments definitional links with medicalised discourses ( as exemplified by UPIAS s definition ) have become progressively distressing. Therefore, instead than sing a bend to impairment as a de-politicising, re-medicalising and watering down the societal theoretical account, more and more of the literature is reasoning that a focal point on damage, alongside an confederation with the societal theoretical account and disablement motion, re-socialises damage ( see Williams, 1998 ) . Such a bend is taking topographic point alongside a current tendency of post-modern and anti-foundationalist theorising about the organic structure in the societal scientific disciplines ( Butler, 1990, 1993 ; Turner, 1992 ; Stam, 1998 ) . For Hughes and Paterson ( 1997 ) , models such a phenomenology and post-structura lism provide theoretical paths for traveling through and against Cartesian differentiations between biological science and society, while alarming us to the impact of assorted institutionalized remedy and rehabilitative societal patterns. Yet, to see this turn to impairment as a recent reaction to the current failings of the societal theoretical account of disablement or the increasing influence of post-modern body speculating , ignores earlier Hagiographas within disablement surveies. In peculiar, the work of Paul Abberley, a first moving ridge author and militant ( Barnes, 1998 ) , demonstrates a clearly articulated instance for developing a societal theory of damage as a important constituent of societal theory of disablement. Abberley noted 14years ago that one of the general effects of the subjugation of handicapped people is that: By forestalling disadvantage as the effect of a naturalized impairment it legitimises the failure of public assistance installations and the distribution system in general to supply for societal demand, that is, it interprets the effects of societal maldistribution as the effects of single lack. ( 1987, reproduced in Barton A ; Oliver, 1997 p.175 ) Damage remains a medical and psychological job to be eradicated or rehabilitated. In contrast, Abberley recognises the demand, in the present theoretical and political clime, to underscore the societal beginnings of damage ( p. 176 ) . He goes on: While the political deductions of such an analysis are evident [ disputing social premises of pathology ] , the conceptual effects are besides profound, since such a impression of disablement as subjugation allows us to organize together into consistent conceptual wholeaˆÂ ¦isolated and disparate countries of societal research. In this conveying together of disparate societal theories, there is a necessity to see damage with ambivalency: What is required is basically an attitude of ambivalency towards damage damage must be identified as a bad thing, in so far as it is an unwanted effect of a deformed societal development, at the same clip as it is held to be a positive property of the person who is impaired. ( p. 165 ) For Abberley, premises about impairment- our epistemic assumptions- drama a important portion in the development of disablement theory. The Disabled People s Motion The societal theoretical account of disablement, which locates the job of restrictions experienced by people with damages in society, instead so with impaired persons ( UPIAS, 1976 ; Oliver, 1990 ) , has lead to increasing research documenting the extent of disadvantage experience by handicapped people both socially and economically. In Britain, the roots of the handicapped peoples motion can be traced back to the last century with the formation in the 1890s of the British Deaf Associate and the National League of the Blind ( Pagel, 1988 ) . However, the motion truly took clasp during the sixtiess with the battle for liberty and independency by a group of handicapped occupants in residential establishments ( Finkelstein, 1991 ) and the puting up of the Disablement Income Group ( DIG ) an administration concentrating on the poorness associated with disablement which has systematically lobbied Parliament for improved disablement benefits since it inception- by two handicapped adult females in 1965. The spread of disablement administrations in the resulting decennary and their failure to procure a comprehensive disablement income led to the formation of an umbrella administration known as the Disability Alliance ( DA ) in 1975. Consequences of the social-political theoretical account This theoretical account arose out of the experiences of the handicapped people. Was originally articulated by handicapped militants and has been embraced, debated and promoted by handicapped and disablement theoreticians. In the footings of Antonio Gramasci ( 1971 ) , the societal theoretical account represents an organic theoretical account: arising from the really people whose experiences it aims to encapsulate. It is besides a postcolonial theoretical account in that is describes the experiences and positions of the dispossessed in their ain footings and counters the imperialistic definitions imposed by those exerting more power ( Young 2003 ) . By jointing the societal theoretical account, handicapped militants and faculty members contested the premises that the jobs faced by handicapped people are direct effects of their damages. When handicapped people foremost encounter the thoughts that inform this theoretical account it is frequently experience of both disclosure and releas e ; a acknowledgment that their impoverished societal fortunes are non their fault ( Campbell A ; Oliver 1996, Crow 1996, Thomas 2002 ) . Beyond being an organic theory originating from a societal motion, the societal theoretical account of disablement has played a important function in act uponing the societal motion from which it originated ( Campbell A ; Oliver 1996 ) : the theoretical account is therefore both societal and political. Disability theoretician and militant, Liz Crow ( 1996 p207 ) observed that is has enabled a vision of ourselves free from the restraints of disablement ( subjugation ) and provided a way for our committedness to societal alteration. It has played a cardinal function in advancing handicapped peoples single self-worth, corporate individuality and political administration . It is besides necessary to analyze the deductions of the societal theoretical account for people with learning disablements. The experiences of people with larning troubles remain every bit fringy as of all time. As indicated the societal theoretical account efforts to embrace the experiences of all handicapped people. In so making it challenges the traditional separation of handicapped people from each other. To use the societal theoretical account to physical or centripetal damage, but non larning trouble, seems to propose that the analysis of society offered by feminism are applicable merely to white adult females that the disregard of the experiences of black adult females within much womens rightist authorship is because patriarchate has no explanatory power for them. ( Shakespeare, 213 ) Decision The socio-political theoretical account has had a major planetary impact. Gabel and Peters ( 2004 p585 ) note evidence for the influence of the societal theoretical account abounds the international declarations and conventions, in national statute law, in planetary enlargement of Community-Based Rehabilitation programmes, in the turning figure of Disability Studies degrees in universities, in the push for inclusive educationaˆÂ ¦ and in the research literature . Canada s Charter of Rights and Freedoms, for illustration, understands disablement as a societal position instead so a job of single shortages ( Rioux 1999 ) .

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Genre 8 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Genre 8 - Essay Example Second, little known facts. This are meant to spike readers mind and create interest into certain subject. Third, unusual viewpoints. Little known facts these reach out and grab the readers mind. Example can be use of common and un- noticed things in the world to try to create curiosity among the readers. Fourth, fascinating comparison. This creates instant and powerful images communicating clearly to the same degree as simile and metaphor. Since informational books are informative and aimed to be educative, use of comparisons help to clarify the issues to the reader and build from known to unknown. Fifth, first person account. This make it to be real such that when the writer ,writes about an experience he has gone through; as he develops the story both the writer and the reader seem to discover together but not a recount of the information. This carries the reader into first person account role i.e. he assumes the role of main character. Lastly is accuracy. Informational books shou ld be factual and dependable as they introduce the reader to the world or present something about it. Teachers should avoid anthropomorphism and hyperbole. Informational picture books –present accurate and appealing content aimed at awakening the reader’s interest. It serves the same purpose as informational chapter books though they are more heavily illustrated. They present an idea in sufficient depth to pique curiosity as it increases understanding. Concept books- are simplified picture books that present basic knowledge about one topic in a way both understandable and interesting to a small child beginning to learn the world. Its normally the first informational book the child is introduced to as he develops the skills to learn. Often invites the reader to engage into certain activity to reinforce a topic which being taught. Having access to books that are preferred can affect a child’s interest in books and in reading this affective response is